Bahrain sentenced a man to one year in prison on Thursday, 17 September, over a sermon deemed sectarian, less than two weeks after tightening rules governing preachers and religious activities, including at Shia places of worship.
On 12 September, officials from ma’tams and husseiniyas, venues used for Shia religious ceremonies, denounced what they called the “systematic targeting” of their practices. They objected in particular to requirements for preachers, lecturers and religious chanters to obtain prior approval.
The measures come as the war with Iran enters its seventh month. Several Gulf monarchies have been hit by Iranian attacks since February, while Saudi Arabia has again faced missiles and drones launched by the Iran-backed Houthis this week. One civilian was killed in the kingdom on 17 September.
Bahrain tightens rules on preaching
Bahrain is ruled by a Sunni monarchy, while Shias are estimated to make up 55% to 70% of its citizens, according to estimates cited by the US State Department. The government does not publish official figures on the Sunni-Shia breakdown.
On 3 September, the justice and Islamic affairs minister expanded a licensing system in place since 2011. Permits now explicitly cover sermons, preaching and religious chanting.
A committee is responsible for issuing licences, which are valid for up to two years, and can monitor licensed individuals and review reports on their activities. Those covered by the rules have one month to comply, according to Bahraini daily Al-Ayyam.
The government says the rules are intended to regulate religious discourse and prevent sectarian tensions. In an opinion piece published by Al-Ayyam on 16 September, a Bahraini academic who backed the measure linked it to the risks posed by sectarian rhetoric and networks adhering to Iran’s doctrine of velayat-e faqih.
Velayat-e faqih, or “guardianship of the Islamic jurist”, is a central principle of Iran’s political system, under which ultimate authority rests with a Shia cleric.
Bahrain had already announced on 9 May the arrest of 41 people accused of belonging to a group linked to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Two days later, authorities accused the network of establishing ties with Shia institutions and seeking to influence sermons and religious activities.
On 25 May, nine people were sentenced to life imprisonment for alleged espionage on behalf of the IRGC, including collecting information on sites inside the kingdom.
From Kuwait to eastern Saudi Arabia
Scrutiny has also increased in Kuwait. On 30 August, L’Orient-Le Jour reported growing marginalisation of the country’s Shia minority, which has traditionally been regarded as better integrated than Shia communities in Bahrain or Saudi Arabia.
Earlier in the year, Kuwaiti authorities announced the dismantling of four cells linked to Lebanese Hezbollah, including some accused of plotting to assassinate state officials.
On 1 May, Kuwait also said it had intercepted an IRGC commando unit that arrived by sea. Iran disputed that account.
In eastern Saudi Arabia, home to most of the kingdom’s Shia minority, the European Saudi Organization for Human Rights said on 20 May that it had documented dozens of arrests since the war began, as well as summonses, travel bans and the return of security checkpoints in Qatif.
The group said at least eight Shia clerics had been arrested. Saudi authorities have not confirmed those figures.
In the United Arab Emirates, security services said on 20 March that they had dismantled a network they described as financed and directed by Iran and Lebanese Hezbollah. The group was accused of using commercial businesses to launder money and finance activities that Abu Dhabi classifies as terrorism.
Why are Shia communities facing greater scrutiny?
Iran is the Middle East’s main Shia power and has supported Lebanese Hezbollah and several other armed groups in the region for decades. Gulf monarchies have long accused Tehran of seeking local allies inside their countries.
The war has heightened those concerns. Iran has struck several Gulf states since the conflict began on 28 February. The UAE, for example, said on 20 March that its air defences had intercepted 338 Iranian ballistic missiles and 1,740 drones since the start of the war.
But being Shia does not imply support for Iran. Gulf Shia communities have lived in their countries for generations, and their political views and relationships with their governments vary widely.
Sunnis form the majority in most Gulf monarchies. Shias, however, make up a majority of citizens in Bahrain, a sizeable share of the population in Kuwait, and are concentrated mainly in eastern Saudi Arabia. Smaller communities also live in Qatar and the UAE.
In Bahrain, preachers and others covered by the new rules now have one month to obtain a licence or regularise their status. How the rules are enforced at Shia places of worship will provide the first concrete indication of how far the measures introduced in September will reach.